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==CHAPTER V - THE EXPANSION OF THE BUSINESS==
The telephone business did not really begin
to grow big and overspread the earth until
1896, but the keynote of expansion was first
sounded by Theodore Vail in the earliest days,
when as yet the telephone was a babe in arms.
In 1879 Vail said, in a letter written to one of his
captains:
"Tell our agents that we have a proposition
on foot to connect the different cities for the purpose
of personal communication, and in other
ways to organize a GRAND TELEPHONIC SYSTEM."
This was brave talk at that time, when there
were not in the whole world as many telephones
as there are to-day in Cincinnati. It was brave
talk in those days of iron wire, peg switchboards,
and noisy diaphragms. Most telephone men
regarded it as nothing more than talk. They did
not see any business future for the telephone ex-
cept in short-distance service. But Vail was in
earnest. His previous experience as the head of
the railway mail service had lifted him up to a
higher point of view. He knew the need of a
national system of communication that would be
quicker and more direct than either the telegraph
or the post office.
"I saw that if the telephone could talk one
mile to-day," he said, "it would be talking a
hundred miles to-morrow." And he persisted, in
spite of a considerable deal of ridicule, in
maintaining that the telephone was destined to
connect cities and nations as well as individuals.
Four months after he had prophesied the
"grand telephonic system," he encouraged
Charles J. Glidden, of world-tour fame, to build
a telephone line between Boston and Lowell.
This was the first inter-city line. It was well
placed, as the owners of the Lowell mills lived in
Boston, and it made a small profit from the
start. This success cheered Vail on to a master-
effort. He resolved to build a line from Boston
to Providence, and was so stubbornly bent upon
doing this that when the Bell Company refused
to act, he picked up the risk and set off with it
alone. He organized a company of well-
known Rhode Islanders--nicknamed the
"Governors' Company"--and built the line. It was
a failure at first, and went by the name of "Vail's
Folly." But Engineer Carty, by a happy
thought, DOUBLED THE WIRE, and thus in a moment
established two new factors in the telephone
business--the Metallic Circuit and the Long
Distance line.
At once the Bell Company came over to Vail's
point of view, bought his new line, and launched
out upon what seemed to be the foolhardy enterprise
of stringing a double wire from Boston to
New York. This was to be not only the longest
of all telephone lines, strung on ten thousand
poles; it was to be a line de luxe, built of glistening
red copper, not iron. Its cost was to be
seventy thousand dollars, which was an enormous
sum in those hardscrabble days. There
was much opposition to such extravagance, and
much ridicule. "I would n't take that line as
a gift," said one of the Bell Company's officials.
But when the last coil of wire was stretched
into place, and the first "Hello" leaped from
Boston to New York, the new line was a victorious
success. It carried messages from the
first day; and more, it raised the whole telephone
business to a higher level. It swept away the
prejudice that telephone service could become
nothing more than a neighborhood affair. "It
was the salvation of the business," said Edward
J. Hill. It marked a turning-point in the history
of the telephone, when the day of small
things was ended and the day of great things was
begun. No one man, no hundred men, had
created it. It was the final result of ten years of
invention and improvement.
While this epoch-making line was being
strung, Vail was pushing his "grand telephonic
system" policy by organizing The American
Telephone and Telegraph Company. This, too,
was a master-stroke. It was the introduction of
the staff-and-line method of organization into
business. It was doing for the forty or fifty
Bell Companies what Von Moltke did for the
German army prior to the Franco-Prussian
War. It was the creation of a central company
that should link all local companies together,
and itself own and operate the means by which
these companies are united. This central company
was to grapple with all national problems,
to own all telephones and long-distance lines, to
protect all patents, and to be the headquarters of
invention, information, capital, and legal protection
for the entire federation of Bell Companies.
Seldom has a company been started with so
small a capital and so vast a purpose. It had
no more than $100,000 of capital stock, in 1885;
but its declared object was nothing less than to
establish a system of wire communication for
the human race. Here are, in its own words,
the marching orders of this Company: "To
connect one or more points in each and every
city, town, or place an the State of New York,
with one or more points in each and every other
city, town, or place in said State, and in each
and every other of the United States, and in
Canada, and Mexico; and each and every of said
cities, towns, and places is to be connected with
each and every other city, town, or place in said
States and countries, and also by cable and other
appropriate means with the rest of the known
world."
So ran Vail's dream, and for nine years he
worked mightily to make it come true. He remained
until the various parts of the business had
grown together, and until his plan for a "grand
telephonic system" was under way and fairly
well understood. Then he went out, into a
series of picturesque enterprises, until he had
built up a four-square fortune; and recently, in
1907, he came back to be the head of the telephone
business, and to complete the work of organization
that he started thirty years before.
When Vail said auf wiedersehen to the telephone
business, it had passed from infancy to
childhood. It was well shaped but not fully
grown. Its pioneering days were over. It was
self-supporting and had a little money in the
bank. But it could not then have carried the
load of traffic that it carries to-day. It had still
too many problems to solve and too much general
inertia to overcome. It needed to be conserved,
drilled, educated, popularized. And the man
who was finally chosen to replace Vail was in
many respects the appropriate leader for such a
preparatory period.
Hudson--John Elbridge Hudson--was the
name of the new head of the telephone people.
He was a man of middle age, born in Lynn and
bred in Boston; a long-pedigreed New Englander,
whose ancestors had smelted iron ore in
Lynn when Charles the First was King. He
was a lawyer by profession and a university professor
by temperament. His specialty, as a man
of affairs, had been marine law; and his hobby
was the collection of rare books and old English
engravings. He was a master of the Greek language,
and very fond of using it. On all possible
occasions he used the language of Pericles in
his conversation; and even carried this preference
so far as to write his business memoranda in
Greek. He was above all else a scholar, then a
lawyer, and somewhat incidentally the central
figure in the telephone world.
But it was of tremendous value to the telephone
business at that time to have at its head a
man of Hudson's intellectual and moral calibre.
He gave it tone and prestige. He built up its
credit. He kept it clean and clear above all
suspicion of wrong-doing. He held fast whatever
had been gained. And he prepared the way
for the period of expansion by borrowing fifty
millions for improvements, and by adding greatly
to the strength and influence of the American
Telephone and Telegraph Company.
Hudson remained at the head of the telephone
table until his death, in 1900, and thus lived to
see the dawn of the era of big business. Under
his regime great things were done in the development
of the art. The business was pushed ahead
at every point by its captains. Every man in
his place, trying to give a little better service
than yesterday--that was the keynote of the
Hudson period. There was no one preeminent
genius. Each important step forward was the
result of the cooperation of many minds, and the
prodding necessities of a growing traffic.
By 1896, when the Common Battery system
created a new era, the telephone engineer had
pretty well mastered his simpler troubles. He
was able to handle his wires, no matter how many.
By this time, too, the public was ready for the
telephone. A new generation had grown up,
without the prejudices of its fathers. People
had grown away from the telegraphic habit of
thought, which was that wire communications
were expensive luxuries for the few. The telephone
was, in fact, a new social nerve, so new and
so novel that very nearly twenty years went by
before it had fully grown into place, and before
the social body developed the instinct of using it.
Not that the difficulties of the telephone
engineers were over, for they were not. They
have seemed to grow more numerous and complex
every year. But by 1896 enough had been
done to warrant a forward movement. For the
next ten-year period the keynote of telephone
history was EXPANSION. Under the prevailing
flat-rate plan of payment, all customers paid the
same yearly price and then used their telephones
as often as they pleased. This was a simple
method, and the most satisfactory for small towns
and farming regions. But in a great city such
a plan grew to be suicidal. In New York, for
instance, the price had to be raised to $240,
which lifted the telephone as high above the mass
of the citizens as though it were a piano or a
diamond sunburst. Such a plan was strangling
the business. It was shutting out the small
users. It was clogging the wires with deadhead
calls. It was giving some people too little
service and others too much. It was a very
unsatisfactory situation.
How to extend the service and at the same time
cheapen it to small users--that was the Gordian
knot; and the man who unquestionably did most
to untie it was Edward J. Hall. Mr. Hall
founded the telephone business in Buffalo in
1878, and seven years afterwards became the
chief of the long-distance traffic. He was then,
and is to-day, one of the statesmen of the telephone.
For more than thirty years he has been
the "candid friend" of the business, incessantly
suggesting, probing, and criticising. Keen and
dispassionate, with a genius for mercilessly cutting
to the marrow of a proposition, Hall has
at the same time been a zealot for the improvement
and extension of telephone service. It was
he who set the agents free from the ball-and-
chain of royalties, allowing them to pay instead a
percentage of gross receipts. And it was he
who "broke the jam," as a lumberman would
say, by suggesting the MESSAGE RATE system.
By this plan, which U. N. Bethell developed
to its highest point in New York, a user of the
telephone pays a fixed minimum price for a
certain number of messages per year, and extra
for all messages over this number. The large
user pays more, and the little user pays less. It
opened up the way to such an expansion of telephone
business as Bell, in his rosiest dreams, had
never imagined. In three years, after 1896,
there were twice as many users; in six years there
were four times as many; in ten years there were
eight to one. What with the message rate and
the pay station, the telephone was now on its way
to be universal. It was adapted to all kinds and
conditions of men. A great corporation, nerved
at every point with telephone wires, may now pay
fifty thousand dollars to the Bell Company, while
at the same time a young Irish immigrant boy,
just arrived in New York City, may offer five
coppers and find at his disposal a fifty million
dollar telephone system.
When the message rate was fairly well established,
Hudson died--fell suddenly to the
ground as he was about to step into a railway
carriage. In his place came Frederick P. Fish,
also a lawyer and a Bostonian. Fish was a popular,
optimistic man, with a "full-speed-ahead"
temperament. He pushed the policy of expansion
until he broke all the records. He borrowed
money in stupendous amounts--$150,000,000 at
one time--and flung it into a campaign of red-
hot development. More business he demanded,
and more, and more, until his captains, like a
thirty-horse team of galloping horses, became
very nearly uncontrollable.
It was a fast and furious period. The whole
country was ablaze with a passion of prosperity.
After generations of conflict, the men with large
ideas had at last put to rout the men of small
ideas. The waste and folly of competition had
everywhere driven men to the policy of cooperation.
Mills were linked to mills and factories to
factories, in a vast mutualism of industry such
as no other age, perhaps, has ever known. And
as the telephone is essentially the instrument of
co-working and interdependent people, it found
itself suddenly welcomed as the most popular and
indispensable of all the agencies that put men in
touch with each other.
To describe this growth in a single sentence,
we might say that the Bell telephone secured its
first million of capital in 1879; its first million of
earnings in 1882; its first million of dividends in
1884; its first million of surplus in 1885. It had
paid out its first million for legal expenses by
1886; began first to send a million messages a
day in 1888; had strung its first million miles of
wire in 1900; and had installed its first million
telephones in 1898. By 1897 it had spun as
many cobwebs of wire as the mighty Western
Union itself; by 1900 it had twice as many miles
of wire as the Western Union, and in 1905 FIVE
TIMES as many. Such was the plunging progress
of the Bell Companies in this period of expansion,
that by 1905 they had swept past all
European countries combined, not only in the
quality of the service but in the actual number of
telephones in use. This, too, without a cent of
public money, or the protection of a tariff, or the
prestige of a governmental bureau.
By 1892 Boston and New York were talking
to Chicago, Milwaukee, Pittsburg, and Washington.
One-half of the people of the United
States were within talking distance of each other.
The THOUSAND-MILE TALK had ceased to be a fairy
tale. Several years later the western end of the
line was pushed over the plains to Nebraska,
enabling the spoken word in Boston to be heard
in Omaha. Slowly and with much effort the
public were taught to substitute the telephone for
travel. A special long-distance salon was fitted
up in New York City to entice people into the
habit of talking to other cities. Cabs were sent
for customers; and when one arrived, he was
escorted over Oriental rugs to a gilded booth,
draped with silken curtains. This was the
famous "Room Nine." By such and many other
allurements a larger idea of telephone service was
given to the public mind; until in 1909 at least
eighteen thousand New York-Chicago conversa-
tions were held, and the revenue from strictly
long-distance messages was twenty-two thousand
dollars a day.
By 1906 even the Rocky Mountain Bell Company
had grown to be a ten-million-dollar enterprise.
It began at Salt Lake City with a
hundred telephones, in 1880. Then it reached
out to master an area of four hundred and
thirteen thousand square miles--a great Lone
Land of undeveloped resources. Its linemen
groped through dense forests where their poles
looked like toothpicks beside the towering pines
and cedars. They girdled the mountains and
basted the prairies with wire, until the lonely
places were brought together and made sociable.
They drove off the Indians, who wanted the
bright wire for ear-rings and bracelets; and the
bears, which mistook the humming of the wires
for the buzzing of bees, and persisted in gnawing
the poles down. With the most heroic
optimism, this Rocky Mountain Company persevered
until, in 1906, it had created a seventy-
thousand-mile nerve-system for the far West.
Chicago, in this year, had two hundred thou-
sand telephones in use, in her two hundred
square miles of area. The business had been
built up by General Anson Stager, who was
himself wealthy, and able to attract the support
of such men as John Crerar, H. H. Porter, and
Robert T. Lincoln. Since 1882 it has paid
dividends, and in one glorious year its stock
soared to four hundred dollars a share. The old-
timers--the men who clambered over roof-tops
in 1878 and tacked iron wires wherever they could
without being chased off--are still for the most
part in control of the Chicago company.
But as might have been expected, it was New
York City that was the record-breaker when the
era of telephone expansion arrived. Here the
flood of big business struck with the force of a
tidal wave. The number of users leaped from
56,000 in 1900 up to 810,000 in 1908. In a
single year of sweating and breathless activity,
65,000 new telephones were put on desks or hung
on walls--an average of one new user for every
two minutes of the business day.
Literally tons, and hundreds of tons, of
telephones were hauled in drays from the factory
and put in place in New York's homes and
offices. More and more were demanded, until
to-day there are more telephones in New York
than there are in the four countries, France,
Belgium, Holland, and Switzerland combined.
As a user of telephones New York has risen to be
unapproachable. Mass together all the telephones
of London, Glasgow, Liverpool, Manchester,
Birmingham, Leeds, Sheffleld, Bristol,
and Belfast, and there will even then be barely as
many as are carrying the conversations of this
one American city.
In 1879 the New York telephone directory was
a small card, showing two hundred and fifty-two
names; but now it has grown to be an eight-hundred-page
quarterly, with a circulation of half a
million, and requiring twenty drays, forty horses,
and four hundred men to do the work of distribution.
There was one shabby little exchange
thirty years ago; but now there are fifty-two
exchanges, as the nerve-centres of a vast fifty-
million-dollar system. Incredible as it may seem
to foreigners, it is literally true that in a single
building in New York, the Hudson Terminal,
there are more telephones than in Odessa or
Madrid, more than in the two kingdoms of
Greece and Bulgaria combined.
Merely to operate this system requires an army
of more than five thousand girls. Merely to keep
their records requires two hundred and thirty-five
million sheets of paper a year. Merely to do the
writing of these records wears away five hundred
and sixty thousand lead pencils. And merely to
give these girls a cup of tea or coffee at noon,
compels the Bell Company to buy yearly six
thousand pounds of tea, seventeen thousand
pounds of coffee, forty-eight thousand cans of
condensed milk, and one hundred and forty
barrels of sugar.
The myriad wires of this New York system
are tingling with talk every minute of the day
and night. They are most at rest between three
and four o'clock in the morning, although even
then there are usually ten calls a minute. Between
five and six o'clock, two thousand New
Yorkers are awake and at the telephone. Half
an hour later there are twice as many. Between
seven and eight twenty-five thousand people
have called up twenty-five thousand other people,
so that there are as many people talking by
wire as there were in the whole city of New York
in the Revolutionary period. Even this is only
the dawn of the day's business. By half-past
eight it is doubled; by nine it is trebled; by ten it
is multiplied sixfold; and by eleven the roar has
become an incredible babel of one hundred and
eighty thousand conversations an hour, with
fifty new voices clamoring at the exchanges every
second.
This is "the peak of the load." It is the topmost
pinnacle of talk. It is the utmost degree of
service that the telephone has been required to
give in any city. And it is as much a world's
wonder, to men and women of imagination, as
the steel mills of Homestead or the turbine
leviathans that curve across the Atlantic Ocean
in four and a half days.
As to the men who built it up: Charles F.
Cutler died in 1907, but most of the others are
still alive and busy. Union N. Bethell, now in
Cutler's place at the head of the New York
Company, has been the operating chief for
eighteen years. He is a man of shrewdness and
sympathy, with a rare sagacity in solving knotty
problems, a president of the new type, who
regards his work as a sort of obligation he owes to
the public. And just as foreigners go to Pittsburg
to see the steel business at its best; just as
they go to Iowa and Kansas to see the New
Farmer, so they make pilgrimages to Bethell's
office to learn the profession of telephony.
This unparalleled telephone system of New
York grew up without having at any time the
rivalry of competition. But in many other cities
and especially in the Middle West, there sprang
up in 1895 a medley of independent companies.
The time of the original patents had expired, and
the Bell Companies found themselves freed from
the expense of litigation only to be snarled up in
a tangle of duplication. In a few years there
were six thousand of these little Robinson Crusoe
companies. And by 1901 they had put in use
more than a million telephones and were professing
to have a capital of a hundred millions.
Most of these companies were necessary and
did much to expand the telephone business into
new territory. They were in fact small mutual
associations of a dozen or a hundred farmers,
whose aim was to get telephone service at cost.
But there were other companies, probably a thousand
or more, which were organized by promoters
who built their hopes on the fact that the Bell
Companies were unpopular, and on the myth that
they were fabulously rich. Instead of legitimately
extending telephone lines into communities
that had none, these promoters proceeded to
inflict the messy snarl of an overlapping system
upon whatever cities would give them permission
to do so.
In this way, masked as competition, the
nuisance and waste of duplication began in most
American cities. The telephone business was
still so young, it was so little appreciated even by
the telephone officials and engineers, that the
public regarded a second or a third telephone
system in one city as quite a possible and desirable
innovation. "We have two ears," said one
promoter; "why not therefore have two telephones?"
This duplication went merrily on for years
before it was generally discovered that the telephone
is not an ear, but a nerve system; and that
such an experiment as a duplicate nerve system
has never been attempted by Nature, even in her
most frivolous moods. Most people fancied that
a telephone system was practically the same as a
gas or electric light system, which can often be
duplicated with the result of cheaper rates and
better service. They did not for years discover
that two telephone companies in one city means
either half service or double cost, just as two fire
departments or two post offices would.
Some of these duplicate companies built up a
complete plant, and gave good local service,
while others proved to be mere stock bubbles.
Most of them were over-capitalized, depending
upon public sympathy to atone for deficiencies in
equipment. One which had printed fifty million
dollars of stock for sale was sold at auction in
1909 for four hundred thousand dollars. All
told, there were twenty-three of these bubbles
that burst in 1905, twenty-one in 1906, and twelve
in 1907. So high has been the death-rate among
these isolated companies that at a recent conven-
tion of telephone agents, the chairman's gavel
was made of thirty-five pieces of wood, taken
from thirty-five switchboards of thirty-five
extinct companies.
A study of twelve single-system cities and
twenty-seven double-system cities shows that
there are about eleven per cent more telephones
under the double-system, and that where the
second system is put in, every fifth user is
obliged to pay for two telephones. The rates
are alike, whether a city has one or two systems.
Duplicating companies raised their rates in
sixteen cities out of the twenty-seven, and
reduced them in one city. Taking the United
States as a whole, there are to-day fully two
hundred and fifty thousand people who are paying
for two telephones instead of one, an
economic waste of at least ten million dollars a
year.
A fair-minded survey of the entire independent
telephone movement would probably show that
it was at first a stimulant, followed, as stimulants
usually are, by a reaction. It was unquestionably
for several years a spur to the Bell Com-
panies. But it did not fulfil its promises of
cheap rates, better service, and high dividends;
it did little or nothing to improve telephonic
apparatus, producing nothing new except the
automatic switchboard--a brilliant invention,
which is now in its experimental period. In the
main, perhaps, it has been a reactionary and
troublesome movement in the cities, and a progressive
movement among the farmers.
By 1907 it was a wave that had spent its force.
It was no longer rolling along easily on the broad
ocean of hope, but broken and turned aside by the
rocks of actual conditions. One by one the telephone
promoters learned the limitations of an
isolated company, and asked to be included as
members of the Bell family. In 1907 four
hundred and fifty-eight thousand independent
telephones were linked by wire to the nearest Bell
Company; and in 1908 these were followed by
three hundred and fifty thousand more. After
this landslide to the policy of consolidation, there
still remained a fairly large assortment of
independent companies; but they had lost their
dreams and their illusions.
As might have been expected, the independent
movement produced a number of competent local
leaders, but none of national importance. The
Bell Companies, on the other hand, were officered
by men who had for a quarter of a century been
surveying telephone problems from a national
point of view. At their head, from 1907 onwards,
was Theodore N. Vail, who had returned
dramatically, at the precise moment when he
was needed, to finish the work that he had begun
in 1878. He had been absent for twenty years,
developing water-power and building street-
railways in South America. In the first act of
the telephone drama, it was he who put the enterprise
upon a business basis, and laid down the
first principles of its policy. In the second and
third acts he had no place; but when the curtain
rose upon the fourth act, Vail was once more the
central figure, standing white-haired among his
captains, and pushing forward the completion
of the "grand telephonic system" that he had
dreamed of when the telephone was three
years old.
Thus it came about that the telephone business
was created by Vail, conserved by Hudson,
expanded by Fish, and is now in process of being
consolidated by Vail. It is being knit together
into a stupendous Bell System--a federation of
self-governing companies, united by a central
company that is the busiest of them all. It is no
longer protected by any patent monopoly.
Whoever is rich enough and rash enough may
enter the field. But it has all the immeasurable
advantages that come from long experience,
immense bulk, the most highly skilled specialists,
and an abundance of capital. "The Bell System
is strong," says Vail, "because we are all tied
up together; and the success of one is therefore
the concern of all."
The Bell System! Here we have the motif
of American telephone development. Here is
the most comprehensive idea that has entered any
telephone engineer's brain. Already this Bell
System has grown to be so vast, so nearly akin
to a national nerve system, that there is nothing
else to which we can compare it. It is so wide-
spread that few are aware of its greatness. It
is strung out over fifty thousand cities and
communities.
If it were all gathered together into one place,
this Bell System, it would make a city of
Telephonia as large as Baltimore. It would
contain half of the telephone property of the
world. Its actual wealth would be fully $760,000,000,
and its revenue would be greater than
the revenue of the city of New York.
Part of the property of the city of Telephonia
consists of ten million poles, as many as would
make a fence from New York to California, or
put a stockade around Texas. If the Telephonians
wished to use these poles at home, they might
drive them in as piles along their water-front,
and have a twenty-five thousand-acre dock; or if
their city were a hundred square miles in extent,
they might set up a seven-ply wall around it with
these poles.
Wire, too! Eleven million miles of it! This
city of Telephonia would be the capital of an
empire of wire. Not all the men in New York
State could shoulder this burden of wire and
carry it. Throw all the people of Illinois in
one end of the scale, and put on the other side the
wire-wealth of Telephonia, and long before the
last coil was in place, the Illinoisans would be in
the air.
What would this city do for a living? It
would make two-thirds of the telephones, cables,
and switchboards of all countries. Nearly one-
quarter of its citizens would work in factories,
while the others would be busy in six thousand
exchanges, making it possible for the people of
the United States to talk to one another at the
rate of SEVEN THOUSAND MILLION CONVERSATIONS A YEAR.
The pay-envelope army that moves to work
every morning in Telephonia would be a host of
one hundred and ten thousand men and girls,
mostly girls,--as many girls as would fill Vassar
College a hundred times and more, or double the
population of Nevada. Put these men and girls
in line, march them ten abreast, and six hours
would pass before the last company would arrive
at the reviewing stand. In single file this throng
of Telephonians would make a living wall from
New York to New Haven.
Such is the extraordinary city of which Alexander
Graham Bell was the only resident in 1875.
It has been built up without the backing of any
great bank or multi-millionaire. There have
been no Vanderbilts in it, no Astors, Rockefellers,
Rothschilds, Harrimans. There are even
now only four men who own as many as ten
thousand shares of the stock of the central company.
This Bell System stands as the life-work
of unprivileged men, who are for the most part
still alive and busy. With very few and trivial
exceptions, every part of it was made in the
United States. No other industrial organism of
equal size owes foreign countries so little. Alike
in its origin, its development, and its highest
point of efficiency and expansion, the telephone is
as essentially American as the Declaration of
Independence or the monument on Bunker Hill.





Version vom 15. August 2022, 14:21 Uhr